If Ford really had a better idea maybe they wouldn't have to lay off 30,000 workers.
Maybe if they spend more of their money on engineering cars instead of social engineering our country we all would be better off.
The following are exerpts from FrontPageMagazine.com | January 9, 2004 by Charles Sykes and K. L. Billingsley:
One of the largest and most dangerous concentrations of unchecked power in the United States is the Ford Foundation with discretionary spending power that rivals that of government. It is spending power moreover, for the political left and often the hard left.
Robert Steele, a Professor of Psychology at Wesleyan, noted that his group was aware that coercion would be required to change the university: "People will not be quietly assimilated to multiculturalism by truth through dialogue." They will have to be bought off as well as brought along.
The final speaker was Eve Grossman, a Princeton dean, who said that her group had worried about tenure: "If we want to restructure the university, tenure stands in the way." She said that her group was aware that promotion and tenure were predicated on "discipline-based" research.
From its founding in 1936 through 1991 Ford has doled out more than $7 billion to over 9,000 organizations and 100,000 individuals across America and overseas.
For the Ford Foundation, you can get apiece of the six-billion-dollar pie, as long as you sign onto the multicultural agenda.
The ultimate target of all this energetic social transformation, however, is America's educational system, particularly its system of higher education. By the early 80s, Ford, whose activist staff was networked not just into the nerve centers of "progressive" politics but into the ganglia as well, saw that the university would be (that is, could be made to be) the battleground for an apocalyptic effort to force multiculturalism into the intellectual life of this country.
In the next two years, Ford has earmarked $79.2 million for "Education and Culture." That is the division currently planning and bankrolling PC on campus.
Ford clearly got the most qualified people for the job. Brodie, Shalala, Fergusson, and Kennedy had all fought the PC wars on their own campuses, instituting "speech codes," bashing Western civilization courses, and creating race-based admissions and hiring programs. According to Edgar Beckham, the 59-year-old officer in charge of Ford's Education and Culture Program, this group "worked with the president of the foundation to develop the conceptual framework" of the "diversity" program. Ford uses unnamed "additional advisers" on an ad hoc basis, and Beckham adds that "our own grantees advise us."
"Reaping the full dividends of diversity may require an institution to rethink certain aspects of the curriculum and other traditional commitments of the academic community. Diversity also brings changes outside the classroom affecting residential life, campus services, cultural events, and student activities...
If you are wondering 20 million illegal immigrants found their way into our country and no one seems to see any problem with that, consider how the Ford Foundation has taken it upon itself to grease the way.
At the Ford Foundation ethnicity is always job 1
By Craig L. Hymowitz
As William Hawkins describes in Importing Revolution: Open Borders and the Radical Agenda, Ford's "bankrolling of 'open border' advocacy policy is sharply one-sided, and often extremist... playing the leading role in founding, and building, what are now the major Hispanic-based organizations. "
Henry Santiestevan, former head of the Southwest Council of La Raza, has written:"It can be said that without the Ford Foundation's commitment to a strategy of national and local institution-building, the Chicano movement would have withered away in many areas."
Ford would create the Mexican-American Legal Defense and Education Fund, the most influential Hispanic group in the country--and Ford's largest Hispanic policy recipient.
Modeled after the NAACP Legal Defense Fund, MALDEF, with an initial $2.2-million grant, was formed with the mandate "to assist Hispanics (legal or otherwise) in using legal means to secure their rights." A second grant was made to establish the National Council of La Raza "to coordinate efforts to achieve civil rights and equal opportunity" through support of Community Development Corporations.
To date, Ford has given more than $18.9 million to MALDEF, and $12.9 million to the National Council of La Raza.
MALDEF was guided from the onset by the principle that its job was to strengthen the "ethnic identity" of newly arrived immigrants, legal and illegal, rather than aid their assimilation into their American mainstream.
MALDEF-sponsored amendments to the Voting Rights Act authorized multilingual ballots on demand whenever "language minorities" made up 5 percent of a given jurisdiction's residents (legal or otherwise) where there had been less than 50 percent voter turnout in the last presidential election.
As Vilma Martinez said, "Our definition of Mexican-American had expanded to encompass not only the citizen, but also the permanent resident At the Ford Foundation ethnicity is always job 1
By Craig L. Hymowitz
As William Hawkins describes in Importing Revolution: Open Borders and the Radical Agenda, Ford's "bankrolling of 'open border' advocacy policy is sharply one-sided, and often extremist... playing the leading role in founding, and building, what are now the major Hispanic-based organizations. "
Henry Santiestevan, former head of the Southwest Council of La Raza, has written:"It can be said that without the Ford Foundation's commitment to a strategy of national and local institution-building, the Chicano movement would have withered away in many areas."
Ford would create the Mexican-American Legal Defense and Education Fund, the most influential Hispanic group in the country--and Ford's largest Hispanic policy recipient.
Modeled after the NAACP Legal Defense Fund, MALDEF, with an initial $2.2-million grant, was formed with the mandate "to assist Hispanics (legal or otherwise) in using legal means to secure their rights." A second grant was made to establish the National Council of La Raza "to coordinate efforts to achieve civil rights and equal opportunity" through support of Community Development Corporations.
To date, Ford has given more than $18.9 million to MALDEF, and $12.9 million to the National Council of La Raza.
MALDEF was guided from the onset by the principle that its job was to strengthen the "ethnic identity" of newly arrived immigrants, legal and illegal, rather than aid their assimilation into their American mainstream.
MALDEF-sponsored amendments to the Voting Rights Act authorized multilingual ballots on demand whenever "language minorities" made up 5 percent of a given jurisdiction's residents (legal or otherwise) where there had been less than 50 percent voter turnout in the last presidential election.
As Vilma Martinez said, "Our definition of Mexican-American had expanded to encompass not only the citizen, but also the permanent resident At the Ford Foundation ethnicity is always job 1
By Craig L. Hymowitz
As William Hawkins describes in Importing Revolution: Open Borders and the Radical Agenda, Ford's "bankrolling of 'open border' advocacy policy is sharply one-sided, and often extremist... playing the leading role in founding, and building, what are now the major Hispanic-based organizations. "
Henry Santiestevan, former head of the Southwest Council of La Raza, has written:"It can be said that without the Ford Foundation's commitment to a strategy of national and local institution-building, the Chicano movement would have withered away in many areas."
Ford would create the Mexican-American Legal Defense and Education Fund, the most influential Hispanic group in the country--and Ford's largest Hispanic policy recipient.
Modeled after the NAACP Legal Defense Fund, MALDEF, with an initial $2.2-million grant, was formed with the mandate "to assist Hispanics (legal or otherwise) in using legal means to secure their rights." A second grant was made to establish the National Council of La Raza "to coordinate efforts to achieve civil rights and equal opportunity" through support of Community Development Corporations.
To date, Ford has given more than $18.9 million to MALDEF, and $12.9 million to the National Council of La Raza.
MALDEF was guided from the onset by the principle that its job was to strengthen the "ethnic identity" of newly arrived immigrants, legal and illegal, rather than aid their assimilation into their American mainstream.
MALDEF-sponsored amendments to the Voting Rights Act authorized multilingual ballots on demand whenever "language minorities" made up 5 percent of a given jurisdiction's residents (legal or otherwise) where there had been less than 50 percent voter turnout in the last presidential election.
As Vilma Martinez said, "Our definition of Mexican-American had expanded to encompass not only the citizen, but also the permanent resident alien, and the undocumented alien." In effect, MALDEF and NCLR, according to Chavez, sought to "erase the distinction between aliens and citizens, legal and illegal, and to pretend the border doesn't exist."
Beginning in 1985, the Lawyer's Guild began to receive the first of its $416,000 in Ford Foundation grants for "refugee and migrant rights."
MALDEF's efforts on behalf of illegal aliens were not limited to education. In other litigation, they prevented Los Angeles County from forcing illegals to apply for Medi-Cal to receive non-emergency health services, because, for this to happen, they would have to be referred to the INS.
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